ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလံုးဆိုင္ရာသံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစု အဖြဲ႕ၾကီး ABMA ဘေလာ့မွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားတဲ့ ” ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ ျခံထြက္ဗူးသီးနဲ႕ ၂၀၁၀ ” ဆိုတဲ့… ေဖာ္ျပပါ.. သတင္းမွန္ကန္ေၾကာင္း ေရွ႕ေနၾကီးဦးဥာဏ္ဝင္းက ေျပာဆိုပါတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔ခြင့္ရတဲ့ေန႔က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ျခံထဲမွာစိုက္တဲ့ ျခံထြက္ဗူးသီး၊ သရက္သီးနဲ႔ ကဒက္ခ်ဥ္တို႔ကို ဗဟိုအမ်ိဳး သမီးအဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ားအတြက္ လက္ေဆာင္ ေပးလိုက္ပါတယ္တဲ့… ေနာက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က As Joke ဆိုျပီး ဗူးဆိုရင္ ဖရံု မသီးဘူး”ဆိုတဲ့ စကားကို ေျပာလိုက္ပါေသးတယ္တဲ့ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီသတင္းဟာ မွန္ကန္ပါေၾကာင္း ေရွ႕ေနၾကီးဦးဥာဏ္ဝင္းက ျပန္လည္ ေျပာျပသြားပါတယ္။

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေပးလိုက္တဲ့ လက္ေဆာင္နဲ႔ ပတ္သတ္ျပီး မိတ္ေဆြ ေဝဒပညာရွင္ တစ္ေယာက္နဲ႔ အမွတ္မထင္ စကားစပ္မိရာမွာ ထိုေဗဒင္ပညာရွင္ ယခုလို နိမိတ္ေကာက္ေပးသြားပါတယ္… သူရဲ႕ေျပာစကား ကေတာ့ ” ဆရာတို႔ နိမိတ္ေကာက္တဲ့ အျမင္မွာေတာ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ရုိးရိုးတန္းတန္း ေပးလိုက္တာပါပဲ.. ဒါေပမယ့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ ရုိးရုိးသာမာန္ လူတစ္ေယာက္ မဟုတ္ပဲ ကမာၻသိ လူထုေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ေယာက္ ဆိုေတာ့ နိမိတ္ေတြနဲ႔ သက္ဆိုင္ေနပါတယ္။

အသံထြက္ ဗူး(ဘူး)ဆိုထဲက ျငင္းပယ္တဲ့ ဆန္က်င္တဲ့ လကၡဏာေဆာင္တယ္။ အားလံုးဒီေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ျငင္းပယ္ၾကလိမ့္မယ္။ ေနာက္ သရက္နဲ႔ သန္းေရႊက ထပ္တူက်ေနတယ္။ ေနာက္ ကဒက္ခ်ဥ္မွာ အသံထြက္ ကဒက္(ကတတ္)ဆိုတာ ျမန္မာစကားမွာ ကတက္ဆိုတာ ေခြးကတက္ ဆိုတာရွိတယ္.. ေလွကားေအာက္ေျခ ဖိနပ္ခၽြတ္တဲ့ ေနရာေပါ့ .. ခ်ဥ္ဆိုတာက မုန္းတဲ့ အသြင္ေဆာင္တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အားလံုးကိုျခဳံလိုက္ရင္ ဗို္လ္သန္းေရႊလုပ္မယ့္ ဒီေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဟာ အားလံုးရဲ႕ ျငင္းပယ္မႈကိုခံရႏိုင္ျပီး သူကိုယ္တိုင္လည္း အားလုံးရဲ႕ခ်ဥ္ဖတ္ဘဝကိုေရာက္ျပီး ေလွကားေအာက္ ေခြးကတက္ ကို ေရာက္မယ္။ တနည္းေခြးက်က်မယ္လို႔ ဆရာေတာ့ အဲ့လိုပဲ နိမိတ္အျဖစ္ျမင္တယ္ … ဆရာကေတာ့ အသံနဲ႔သက္ဆိုင္တဲ့ အသံထြက္ နိမိတ္အျမင္ကို ေျပာျပတာပါလို႔” ေျပာဆိုသြားပါတယ္။

ဒါကေတာ့ရင္ႏွီးတဲ့ ေဝဒပညာရွင္တစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႕ အျမင္ကိုတင္ျပလိုက္တာပါ။ ေအာက္မွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလံုးဆိုင္ရာသံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစု အဖြဲ႕ၾကီး ABMA ရဲ႕ ” ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ ျခံထြက္ဗူးသီးနဲ႕ ၂၀၁၀ “ကို ဆက္လက္ဖတ္ရႈႏိုင္ပါတယ္။

ဒါကိုၾကည့္လိုက္ရင္ လက္ရွိျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအၾကပ္အတည္းဟာ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးအတြက္ တာဝန္ရွိသူေတြ သက္ဆိုင္သူေတြအားလံုးမွာ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးဖို႔လမ္းကလြဲၿပီး အျခားမရွိဘူး။ ဒါမွ မဟုတ္ အဆင္သင့္မျဖစ္ေသးဘူး ဆိုတာ အတိအလင္း ေဖာ္ျပေနပါတယ္။

ဘယ္လိုပဲ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေနခဲ့ေပမယ့္လည္း အခုအခ်ိန္ထိ မေအာင္ျမင္ရေသးတာကေတာ့ “နအဖ”လို႔ အမည္တပ္ထားတဲ့ စစ္အာဏာရွင္လူတစုေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ရာႏႈန္းျပည့္ လက္ညွိဳးထိုးလုိ႔ရတဲ့အထိ ရွင္းရွင္းလင္းလင္း ျဖစ္ေနပါျပီ။

တိုင္းျပည္ ျပန္လည္ထူေထာင္ေရးနဲ႔ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးအတြက္ တန္ဖိုးရွိလွတဲ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားေတြဟာ သူတို႔ ေတာင့္တတဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီကို ခံစားႏိုင္ဖို႔အေရးထက္ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးအတြက္ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ အသက္၊ ေသြး၊ ေခြ်းနဲ႔ အခ်ိန္ကို အဆမတန္ ရင္းႏွီးေပးဆပ္ရင္း ေနလာခဲ့ၾကရတာက အနည္းဆံုး ၁၉၉ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ၿပီးကတည္းကပါ။

အဲဒီအရင္ ရွစ္ေလးလံုး လူထုလႈပ္ရွားမႈကတည္းက ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား ရွိခဲ့တဲ့ လူထုရည္မွန္းခ်က္ကေတာ့ ဒီမုိကေရရစီ ရရွိေရး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

လက္ရွိႏိုင္ငံေရးအေျခအေနဟာ အဲဒီမူလရည္မွန္းခ်က္ကေန တဆင့္ေလွ်ာ့ၿပီး အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္ သင့္ျမတ္ေရး ဆိုတဲ့ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ကို ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္နည္းနည္းနဲ႔ လုပ္ေနရၿပီလို႔ ယူဆရပါတယ္။

ဒီမိုကေရစီ ရရွိဖို႔ အတြက္ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးကို အေျခခံရမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ေရရွည္အက်ိဳးကိုၾကည့္ၿပီး အေကာင္းဘက္က ေတြးခဲ့ၾကတဲ့အတိုင္း မူလရည္မွန္းခ်က္ကို တဆင့္ေလွ်ာ့ခဲ့ၾကတယ္လို႔ သံုးသပ္စရာျဖစ္လာပါတယ္။

အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးအတြက္ လမ္းစရွာမေတြ႔ႏိုင္ေအာင္ ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ထားတဲ့ နအဖဟာ ဘာေတြ လုပ္ထားႏိုင္လို႔ သူတို႔ရပ္တည္ခ်က္ကို ေျပာင္းလဲမသြားသလဲဆိုတာ သံုးသပ္ခန္႔မွန္းရပါမယ္။ တကယ္လို႔ သံုးသပ္ခန္႔မွန္းႏိုင္ၿပီဆိုရင္ တစံုတရာ အက်ိဳးရွိခ်င္ရွိႏိုင္ပါမယ္။

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္းမွာ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးကို ဆန္႔က်င္ကန္႔ကြက္တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ခံယူခ်က္နဲ႔ မားမားမတ္မတ္ ရပ္တည္ဟစ္ေႂကြးေနသူ တဦးမွမရွိပါဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံတကာမွာလည္း ဒီလိုမ်ိဳး အက်ိဳးယုတ္ေစမယ့္ လမ္းညႊန္တိုက္တြန္းခ်က္ေတြကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနခဲ့တာ မရွိပါဘူး။

ဒါေပမယ့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးကို အသံတိတ္ ဆန္႔က်င္ကန္႔ကြက္ေနတာကေတာ့ နအဖ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ အစိုးရနဲ႔ သူ႔ကိုမွီၿပီး စီးပြားျဖစ္ေနၾကတဲ့ ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပ ကိိုယ္က်ိဳးရွာသူေတြ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေတြပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

နအဖက စစ္အာဏာရွင္ပီပီ တိုင္းျပည္မွာ အမ်ိဳးသား ျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး မရွိမွ အာဏာကို ဆက္လက္ ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္လို႔ရမယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ သီအိုရီကေန လံုးဝအေလွ်ာ့မေပးခဲ့ပါဘူး။ ဒါဟာ အရင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေကာင္စီနဲ႔ မဆလမွာ ၪကၠဌလုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ စစ္အာဏာသိမ္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးေနဝင္းရဲ႕ သေဘာတရားေတြအတိုင္း ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဆိုႏိုင္စရာရွိပါမယ္။

အာဏာရွင္နဲ႔ေပါင္းၿပီး ႀကီးပြားေနၾကတဲ့ ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပ ကိုယ္က်ိဳးရွာသူေတြ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေတြကလည္း အစားရေခ်ာင္ေနတာကို အထိအခိုက္ မခံႏိုင္တဲ့အတြက္ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးကို ေရငံုႏႈတ္ပိတ္ ေနခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။

နအဖစစ္အာဏာရွင္ဟာ သူ႔ရဲ႕သီအိုရီကို ကာကြယ္လိုတဲ့အတြက္ သူတို႔အာဏာ ဆက္ကိုင္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ လမ္းဖြင့္ေပးႏိုင္မယ္လို႔ ယံုၾကည္ေနတဲ့ “အမ်ိဳးသားညီလာခံအား ထိခိုက္ပ်က္ျပားေစတဲ့ ဥပေဒ ၅ / ၉၆” ကို တခ်က္လႊတ္အမိန္႔နဲ႔ ျပဌာန္းလိုက္ပါတယ္။

ဒါဟာ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး မလုပ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ သူတို႔ စစ္အာဏာရွင္အဖြဲ႔ကို သေဘာထားတင္းမာတဲ့ ေဘာင္အတြင္းမွာ ထိန္းလိုက္ရံုသာမက တတိုင္းျပည္လံုး၊ တကမာၻလံုးက ေတာင္းဆိုေနတာေတြကိုလည္း ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား ပယ္ခ်လိုက္တာပဲ ႁဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဒါေႂကာင့္ အဲဒီတခ်က္လႊတ္အမိန္႔ ၅ / ၉၆ ကို မဖ်က္သိမ္းသေရြ႕ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး ရဖို႔ လံုးဝ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါဘူး။

အဲဒီတခ်က္လႊတ္အမိန္႔ ၅ / ၉၆ ကို ဖ်က္သိမ္းႏိုင္ဖို႔ နအဖဟာ အရင္က ျပဌာန္းခဲ့တဲ့ တခ်က္လႊတ္အမိန္႔ေတြ ထဲက တခုခ်င္းကို ပယ္ဖ်က္ရုပ္သိမ္းေပးေၾကာင္း ေၾကညာေပးရပါမယ္။

ဥပမာ နဝတ ေၾကညာခ်က္ ၁ / ၉ဝ အပိုဒ္ ၁၉ (က) ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုမ်ိဳး တစတစ ဖ်က္သိမ္းလာၿပီဆိုရင္ အမ်ိဳးသားညီလာခံအား ထိခိုက္ ပ်က္ျပားေစတဲ့ ဥပေဒ ၅ / ၉၆ ကို ဖ်က္သိမ္းဖို႔အတြက္ လမ္းခင္းေပးလာတာလို႔ ဆိုႏိုင္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။

အဲဒီေတာ့မွ ယေန႔ထိတိုင္ ေတာင္းဆိုေနၾကတဲ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၊ ဦးတင္ဦး၊ ဦးခြန္ထြန္းဦးတို႔နဲ႔တကြ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြ ျပန္လည္လြတ္ေျမာက္လာႏိုင္မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

တခ်က္လႊတ္ အမိန္႔ ၅ / ၉၆ ကို မဖ်က္သိမ္းပဲ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြ ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးလိုက္ရင္ နအဖဟာ သူတို႔ ေရးဆြဲထားတဲ့ ဥပေဒ သူတို႔ကိုယ္တိုင္ ေျခနဲ႔ျပန္နင္းသလို ျဖစ္ေနမယ့္ကိစၥကို လုပ္မွာမဟုတ္ဘူးလို႔ ထင္ရပါတယ္။

ဒါေၾကာင့္ အစကနဦးမွာ နအဖရဲ႕ အျခား တခ်က္လႊတ္အမိန္႔ေတြကို အရင္ဖ်က္သိမ္းပစ္ဖို႔က အဓိက အခ်က္ ျဖစ္ရပါမယ္။

အျခားျဖစ္ႏိုင္စရာ လမ္းေၾကာင္းခြဲတခုကေတာ့ အေထြေထြလြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အေထြေထြလြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ေပးရင္ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ လူေလွ်ာ့တာမ်ိဳးမဟုတ္ပဲ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသမား အားလံုးကို ခြၽင္းခ်က္မရွိ လႊတ္ေပးရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဒီလိုႏိုင္ငံေရးအရိပ္အေရာင္ကိုျမင္ရမွ ျမန္မာ့ႏို္င္ငံေရး တိုးတက္ေအာင္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြဘက္က စလုပ္ၿပီ လို႔ ပိုင္ပိုင္ႏိုင္ႏိုင္ေျပာလို႔ရပါမယ္။ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြဘက္က စလုပ္လာမွလည္း ပိတ္ဆို႔ခံေနရတဲ့ တရားဝင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီေတြက တုန္႔ျပန္ေပးလို႔ ရႏိုင္ပါမယ္။

လက္ခုပ္ႏွစ္ဘက္တီးမွ အသံထြက္တဲ့ အမွန္တရား ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အတိုက္အခံအင္အားစုေတြနဲ႔ အတူလက္တြဲႏိုင္မွသာ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးနဲ႔ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ရရွိေရး ဆိုတာ ျဖစ္လာပါလိမ့္မယ္။

စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြေရာ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီေတြ ႏွစ္ဘက္စလံုးက သေဘာတူတာမရွိပဲ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါဘူး။ အရင့္အရင္အခ်ိန္ေတြမွာ အမ်ားစဟာလည္း ဒီအမွန္တရားကိုအေျခခံၿပီး ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ႀကိဳးစားေနခဲ့ၾကတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အကယ္၍ ေစာေစာက ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရိပ္အေရာင္ကို မျမင္ရေသးလို႔ ျမင္ဖို႔လမ္းစ မရွိႏိုင္ေတာ့ဘူးလို႔ အေသအခ်ာ တြက္ခ်က္ဆံုးျဖတ္လိုက္ၿပီ ဆိုပါေတာ့။ ဒါဆိုရင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုေတြဟာ လက္တဘက္ လႈပ္ရွားရံုနဲ႔ အသံျမည္ႏိုင္မယ့္ နည္းလမ္းကို ရွာေဖြအသံုးခ်ရဖို႔ပဲ က်န္ေနပါေတာ့တယ္။ ဒီနည္းလမ္းကေတာ့ လက္ေဖ်ာက္တီးတာပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

လက္ခုပ္တီးၾကမလား။ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ လက္ေဖ်ာက္တီးမလား။ တခုခုကို ေရြးရပါေတာ့မယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ အနာဂတ္ကံၾကမၼာကို ေျပာင္းလဲသြားေစမယ့္ လမ္းဆံုလမ္းခြ (Crossroads) ေရာက္ေနပါၿပီ။

ဒါမွမဟုတ္ လမ္းဆံုလမ္းခြမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပရိယာယ္ ႂကြယ္ဝစြာ လုပ္ႏိုင္မယ့္ အျခားလမ္းခြဲတခု ရွိပါတယ္။ အဲဒါကေတာ့ လက္ခုပ္တီးဟန္ေဆာင္ၿပီး လက္ေဖ်ာက္တီးဖို႔ အားယူေနတာပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

လက္ခုပ္တီးတာကေတာ့ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးအတြက္ တာဝန္ရွိသူ သက္ဆိုင္သူ အားလံုးတို႔က ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးနည္းလမ္းနဲ႔ ေျဖရွင္းတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

လက္ေဖ်ာက္တီးတာကေတာ့ တာဝန္ရွိသူ သက္ဆိုင္သူအားလံုးတို႔က ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို လူထုနည္းနဲ႔ အၾကမ္းမဖက္ ေျဖရွင္းတာပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြ သေဘာတူလိုက္ေလ်ာလာမယ့္အခ်ိန္ကို ေစာင့္မေနေတာ့ပဲ သူတို႔က ေနာက္ဆံုးမွာ မျဖစ္မေန သေဘာတူ လိုက္ေလ်ာလာရမယ့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေျခအေနကို ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစုေတြက လူထုနည္းနဲ႔ ဖန္တီးတာပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

တနည္းအားျဖင့္ဆိုရင္ မိမိတို႔ပန္းတိုင္အတြက္ လိုအပ္မယ့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အေျခအေနကို မိမိတို႔ကိုယ္တိုင္ ရယူဖန္တီးလိုက္တာပါပဲ။

ကိုယ့္အားကိုယ္ကိုးပါ (Self-reliance)လို႔ တိုက္တြန္းအားေပးတဲ့စကားသံေတြ ၾကားရတာ အားရွိလွပါတယ္။ မိမိတို႔ႏိုင္ငံေရးရည္မွန္းခ်က္အတြက္ အျခားသူေတြကို အားမကိုးပါနဲ႔၊ သူတို႔ အကူအညီကို ေစာင့္မေနပါနဲ႔၊ သူတို႔သေဘာတူခြင့္ျပဳလာတဲ့အထိကို ေစာင့္မေနပါနဲ႔လို႔လည္း အဓိပၸာယ္ေကာက္ရပါတယ္။

လက္ေဖ်ာက္တီးသံကို နားစြင့္ေနမယ့္ ျပည္သူေတြ အဆင္သင့္ရွိေနမယ့္အခ်ိန္ ေရာက္လာပါေတာ့မယ္။ လက္ေဖ်ာက္တီးမယ့္အခ်ိန္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို လူထုနည္းနဲ႔ အၾကမ္းမဖက္ ေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ဖို႔ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာနဲ႔ နည္း ဗ်ဴဟာေတြကို အထိုက္အေလ်ာက္ ေရးဆြဲျပင္ဆင္ ေလ့က်င့္ၿပီးျဖစ္ရပါမယ္။

လက္ေဖ်ာက္တီးမယ့္သူကေတာ့ လူထုၾကားကထြက္ေပၚလာမယ့္ လူထုေခါင္းေဆာင္ပါပဲ။

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လြင္ေအာင္စိုး

၁ဝ-၂-၂ဝဝ၇

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(မွတ္ခ်က္။ လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ (၂)ႏွစ္နီးပါးခန္႔က ေရးခဲ့သည့္ သံုးသပ္ထင္ျမင္ခ်က္ ေဆာင္းပါးကို ျပန္လည္ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ပါသည္။ ဤအေတာအတြင္း အဓိက ႏိုင္ငံေရးျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ား သိပ္မရွိလွပါ။ ၂ဝဝရ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေရႊဝါေရာင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး၊ (၈၈) မ်ဳိးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ေရႊဝါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး လႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ား အဖမ္းခံရမႈ၊ ၂ဝဝ၈ ခုႏွစ္ နာဂစ္မုန္တိုင္းအၿပီး နအဖ၏ ႏိုင္ငံဖြဲ႔စည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းအေပၚ လူထုဆႏၵ ခံယူပြဲ က်င္းပျခင္း၊ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ျဖင့္ ဖမ္းဆီးခ်ဳပ္ေႏွာင္ထားသည္မွာ ဥပေဒအရ (၅)ႏွစ္ျပည့္သြားေသာ္လည္း နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရက ျပန္မလႊတ္ေပးေသးျခင္းတို႔သာ ရွိေနခဲ့သည္။ ယခုခ်ိန္ထိ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ကို အမွန္တကယ္ ပါဝင္ထိုက္သူမ်ားျဖင့္ မစတင္ႏိုင္ေသးေသာ္လည္း အခ်ိန္မေႏွာင္းေသးပါ။ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္က အျခားေသာ ျပည္တြင္း လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးယူရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းျခင္းသည္ လကၡဏာေကာင္းတရပ္ ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ဤကိစၥမွာ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး ႏိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ မဟုတ္သျဖင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေျပလည္စြာျဖင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီအသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးကို အေထာက္အကူျဖစ္ေစမည္ မဟုတ္ပါ။ ႏိုင္ငံ ေရရွည္တည္တံ့ခိုင္ျမဲမည့္ အေျခခံအုတ္ျမစ္ကို တည္ေဆာက္ႏိုင္ရန္မွာ သက္ဆိုင္သူအားလံုးတို႔က လူထုတရပ္လံုးကို ကုိယ္စားျပဳလ်က္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ပူးေပါင္းလက္တြဲၾကရသည့္ နည္းလမ္းတခုတည္းသာ ရွိသည္ကို သတိျပဳအပ္သည္။ ၂၈-၁-၂ဝဝ၉ )

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New Delhi (Mizzima) – Rumours that Burma’s military junta will soon free its detained officers above the rank of Colonel  to involve them in the ensuing  election, is making the rounds in  military circles in Burma, a source in the military establishment said.

The source said the junta is planning to release former Military Intelligence (MI) officers of ranks above Colonel, who were arrested, charged and detained along with the MI chief and former Prime Minister Khin Nyunt.

“Some family members of former MI officials are expecting their release,” the source told Mizzima.

The source added that the release is likely to include the former MI chief Khin Nyunt, who is currently under house arrest.

According to the source, who declined to be named, General Khin Nyunt, who was dismissed and arrested on charges of corruption in 2004, will be used to contest the election along with the recently release Sandar Win, daughter of former military dictator General Ne Win.

Khin Nyunt was tried in a Special Tribunal inside Insein prison in Rangoon and was sentenced to 44 years on corruption charges in 2005. However, it is widely believed that he is being put under house arrest instead of being detained in prison.

While Mizzima was unable to make an independent verification of the rumours, sources said it is spreading like wild fire in military circles in Rangoon.

A Thailand based Burmese military expert Htay Aung said, while he is unaware of the rumours, he does not rule out the possibility of the release of Khin Nyunt as the ruling junta does not act in keeping with the law.

“Since the law of the country is in the hands of regime, they can do whatever they want to. Sometimes speculations could also be true,” Htay Aung said.

In Burma, whose military rulers keep a tight hold over freedom of expression and information flow, rumours are common, and in many cases, tends to bear a high percentage of truth.

Htay Aung said he has heard that the regime had occasionally secretly allowed the former Intelligence Chief Khin Nyunt to go out despite being kept under house arrest.

“I have heard that the regime often allowed him [Khin Nyunt] to meet some guests,” Htay Aung added.

Link to 2010 election

According to the source, rumours are spreading that the military regime is convincing General Khin Nyunt and the recently freed Sanda Win, daughter of the former dictator General Ne Win, to form a political party to contest in the ensuing 2010 elections.

Khin Nyunt, after he took over as Prime Minister in 2003, announced the seven-step road map to democracy that the present regime is still implementing.

According to the roadmap, a general election is in slated for 2010.

Htay Aung, however, dismissed speculations on Sanda Win and Khin Nyunt teaming up to form a political party to contest the elections, saying, “The regime will not allow their enemy to take over power.”

According to him, the Generals in power including Snr. Gen Than Shwe consider Khin Nyunt dangerous for the military rulers, and does not prefer having him on their side.

He, however, said, if Khin Nyunt is to be freed, the generals might be thinking of using him to negotiate with cease-fire groups, whom Khin Nyuint, during his tenure as the MI chief, convinced to stop fighting.

“Compared to the leading generals of the regime, he [Khin Nyunt] has strong influence over the cease-fire groups,” said Htay Aung. “So they might want to reuse him to handle them [cease-fire groups].”

Sources close to the ceasefire groups said, the Burmese military regime has recently stepped up pressure on cease-fire groups to disarm and form political parties to contest the elections.

However, major ceasefire groups such as the Kachin Independent Organization (KIO) and United Wa State Army (UWSA) said they will not surrender their arms though they do not oppose the junta’s planned elections.

Possible Fresh crackdown

The source, further said, while rumours of the possibilities of Khin Nyunt being freed are spreading, military supremo Snr. Gen Than Shwe is still nervous about the possibilities of Khin Nyunt’s followers remaining in the army.

Than Shwe’s fresh suspicions about Khin Nyunt followers, might lead to another brutal operation within the military in the form of a crackdown on Khin Nyunt’s associates, the source added.

http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/1603-is-burmas-former-prime-minister-khin-nyunt-to-be-freed-soon.html

by Zo Tum Hmung

Sunday, 25 January 2009 19:46

The inauguration of Barack Obama as the 44th President of the United States will mark major changes in policy in many areas at home and internationally. However, the Obama administration is highly likely to continue the Bush policy of pushing for restoration of civilian democratic rule in Burma. The new administration should try a new strategy toward the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), the ruling military regime in Burma by finding a common ground among key international players on the situation in Burma.

Because time is of the essence, now is the time to think differently – before Burma’s 2010 election.

The United States has pursued bilateral sanctions against the SPDC for years. Burma’s powerful neighbors, China and India, have frustrated this. People close to the Indo-Burma Kaladan project, a $100 million port project in Burma, have confirmed to me that India is fully funding it to foster closer ties with Burma. In order to pursue economic recovery on domestically, Washington will need closer ties with both Beijing and Delhi. Neither India nor China will abandon their strategic relations with Burma, until the United States works with them as equal partners in solving Burma’s problems.

The Bush administration began to engage with members of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), China and India bilaterally to put pressure on the Burmese military regime. The new administration should convene a multilateral talks involving all the parties concerned.

The Bush administration also put Burma on the agenda of the UN Security Council – an idea initially pushed by a June 2003 report from the Council on Foreign Relations task force. The Council members including Senators Richard Lugar (then the chair of the Foreign Relations Committee), Diane Feinstein, and Mitch McConnell, and the late Congressman Tom Lantos. The report by Vaclav Havel and Archbishop Desmond Tutu in September 2005 reinforced the notion of Burma as a threat to international peace and security. When a draft resolution finally made it to the Security Council in January 2007, both Russia and China vetoed it. In October 2007, however, Russia and China agreed to a Presidential Statement from the Security Council, condemning violence against protests in Burma and calling for concerned parties to form a dialogue on national reconciliation.

In addition to the unitateral sanctions and working through the Security Council, the United States has supported the efforts of the UN Special Envoys. When Suu Kyi was released in 2002, the United States was hopeful for change. However, the Special UN Envoy Ismael Razali was soon frustrated by the lack of progress and resigned. In 2003, Suu Kyi was arrested again and has remained under house arrest ever since. The appointment of Ibrahim Gambari as a UN envoy led to further hopes, but has yet to produce meaningful results.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon also convened an informal consultation of “Friends of the Secretary-General on Burma,” 14 nations, to discuss the matter but not pursue specific action. The Secretary General was almost on the right track with his “Friends,” but the process was informal and there were too many nations involved.

Michael Green, former Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Asian Affairs at the National Security Council, recently wrote in Foreign Affairs that the UN approach has failed. In September 2007, I wrote in Mizzima News that the UN approach had failed to secure the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.

The realistic prospect of regime change either through the support of opposition groups in the 2010 election or through the support of internal uprisings is very slim. The military regime has already reserved 25 percent, of the parliamentary seats for the Army, giving themselves the upper hand before a single vote has been cast. They are determined not to repeat the 1990 election, when Aung San Suu Kyi won a landslide victory. The military regime will protect its power by any means necessary.

The current strategy has failed for years to produce any meaningful results. Pursuing it further has even less chance of success. This argument does not suggest abandoning this course completely, especially pursuing a Security Council resolution. Rather, it is suggesting coordination of all the concerned parties through a formal framework which could eventually lead to a Security Council resolution.

Given the frustrations of the current, unilateral, uncoordinated approach, Washington should redouble its efforts, and lead all the parties concerned with Burma’s future in a formal, multilateral framework to find a common ground. There are three keys to a successful process.

First, President Obama should appoint a U.S. Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma as called for by Rep. Lantos’ Block Burmese JADE Act of 2008 as soon as possible. The Representative should be someone with extensive experience in negotiations and diplomacy.

Second, the Representative should take the lead in framing formal “Seven-Party Talks” involving China, India, ASEAN, the European Union, and the United Nations. I suggested in September 2007 in Mizzima News that a framework similar to the negotiations over North Korea would be the most effective way of reaching a negotiated settlement on Burma’s future. After he left his post with the Bush administration, Michael Green suggested six-party talks, leaving out the United Nations.

Third, the Representative should lead the Seven Parties in sending a common message to the SPDC. It will not be easy, but it is crucial to speak with one voice. The message should include the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as other political prisoners, along with democratic reforms. In delivering this message, the carrot offered to the SPDC should be reassurance that they are part of solution for Burma. The stick should be the promise of punitive action against them and the prospect of holding them accountable for all their actions.

There is no easy solution. But the new administration should launch a new strategy immediately. Given President Obama’s strength and popularity abroad and at home, and bipartisan Congressional support for action on Burma, Obama has a unique opportunity to forge a new path to reform.

Zo Tum Hmung is a former president of the Chin Freedom Coalition. He received a master’s degree from Harvard University, where he concentrated on foreign policy.

http://www.mizzima.com/edop/commentary/1600-a-new-us-strategy-for-burma.html

Picture: REUTERS

U.S. President Barack Obama delivers his speech after taking the Oath of Office to become the 44th President of the United States, during the inauguration ceremony in Washington, January 20, 2009. Obama became the first African-American president in U.S. history.

The following is the full text of U.S. President Barack Obama’s inauguration address on Tuesday. Obama, a Democrat, was sworn in on the steps of the Capitol as the 44th U.S. president around noon EST (1700 GMT), taking over from President George W. Bush, a Republican.

“My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land – a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America – they will be met. On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted – for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.

Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things – some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions – that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking

America. For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act – not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions – who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.

Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them – that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works – whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account – to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day – because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control – and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.

More Pictures

Heavenly Perspective Satellite images of the inauguration

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President Obama The 44th president is sworn in

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Inauguration Day An historic day in Washington, D.C.

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Team Obama Obama’s cabinet is taking shape

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Barack Obama Trivia Learn more about the 44th U.S. President

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The 44 US Presidents From Washington to Obama

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Michelle Obama The new First Lady of the U.S.A.

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Meet the Presidents Obama meets his predecessors

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The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart – not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake.

And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort – even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus – and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West – know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment – a moment that will define a generation – it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends – hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism – these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility – a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence – the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed – why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

Let it be told to the future world…that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive…that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet.

America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.”

http://www.welt.de/english-news/article3062276/President-Obamas-inauguration-address.html